Section1: Trade Unions & the Link
Section 2: The Warwick Agreement
Section 3: Issues for Working People
Section 4: General Political Issues
My political roots were in the Anti-Apartheid struggle when my parents were jailed, issued with banning orders and forced to leave South Africa for Britain in 1966. I then became a leader of the anti apartheid movement, especially in direct action campaigns to stop all white sports tours in the early 1970s.
In 1977 I was one of the founders of the Anti Nazi League campaigning to stop the BNP’s predecessor, the National Front.
I joined the Labour Party in 1977 because I was and still am a socialist, working for the UPW and UCW (predecessors of today’s Communication Workers Union) for 14 years as a Research Officer.
I was in the thick of internal Labour Party reforms in the late 1970s and early 1980s, helping Neil Kinnock’s 1983 leadership campaign, and standing for Labour in Putney in 1983 and 1987.
I was elected MP for Neath in April 1991 and have had extensive experience in Government since 1997:
• First in Wales where I led the YES campaign in the 1997 devolution referendum.
• Then twice as Foreign Office Minister twice, where I led negotiations to secure the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in 2001 and was the British government’s representative at the European Union Convention in 2002-3.
• As Energy minister at the DTI in 2001 I radically reformed the miners’ compensation scheme, which has now paid out over £3 billion to sick miners and their families.
• As Secretary of State for Wales I have further devolved power to the Welsh Assembly.
• As Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, I helped to negotiate a new political settlement to bring peace and a return to devolution, one of the proudest achievements of our Labour government.
The Labour Party was born out of the trade union movement, and our link with the unions and our shared values provide a vital connection to millions of working people. For me the union link is non-negotiable. A constituency party activist who is a shop steward could not say whether he or she is first a Labour Party member or a trade unionist.
When our relationship works well we deliver policies that really change people’s lives – the minimum wage, flexible working for parents, protection for part-time workers, union rights to recognition and protection against unfair dismissal – these are the kind of policies, which we must continue to build on.
However, in the last ten years, our working relations have not always been good enough, with policies bounced on unions by government.
I want a strong partnership between our Labour government and the unions, with problems resolved by dialogue and respect. The role of the Deputy Leader is vital to delivering this, representing the views of party and trade union members in Cabinet, not from the sidelines.
This strong partnership must be based on keeping the 50 per cent union share of votes at annual conference unlike other Deputy Leadership candidates who have publicly proposed reducing the union vote.
In the first instance by building on the 2.5 million jobs created since Labour came to power and continuing to provide economic stability and high levels of employment.
Secondly, by providing a legislative framework, which allows unions to organise effectively in the workplace. In particular, I would like to see union resources freed up for campaigning by removing the costly, ritual and unnecessary mandatory ballots to renew union political funds, and replacing them with a trigger ballot of say 5 per cent of the membership if there was dissatisfaction with an established fund.
Thirdly, Labour must continue to support union activity and encourage union membership through schemes such as the Union Learning Fund. Union Learning Reps have been one of our great success stories.
With skills come confidence and self-esteem, personal development and progression at work. With skills come greater productivity and ultimately a stronger economy, with greater job security enhanced by union membership.
We need greater government/union partnership to promote union organisation, with new Union-based Skills Academies.
With labour markets becoming increasing flexible and globalised, and exploitation rife, especially where work is sub contracted or based upon agencies, the role of trade unions has never been more important. Our Labour government must ensure that unions can continue to protect fundamental employee rights.
Political parties clearly require proper funding and there is a crisis today which threatens democracy. There is around £10 million of public money given to parties annually, and much more at election times.
I believe more should be provided, earmarked for political education, research, training and organisation to help create a much more bottom-up style of politics and stronger parties.
However, any extension of public funding should not prevent any individual or group from donating to a political party for campaigning purposes.
Public funding must not become a Trojan Horse to undermine the link – including the financial link – between the party and the unions.
Nobody will persuade me that millionaire donations can be equated to the individual contributions of under £10 annually by millions of trade unionists under a system which is democratic and transparent.
The Tories raise three times more than Labour in donations under £50,000 so Hayden Philip’s proposal to cap donations at this level would take us straight back to the bad old days where the Tories consistently outspent Labour as they are doing now. It would also mean that unions like Unite (formally Amicus and TGWU) with their vast membership would not be able to affiliate every member who wanted to affiliate. This is intolerable.
This battle must be won otherwise the historic relationship between the Labour Party and the unions will come under serious threat.
The Government should respect decisions by the Labour Party conference which is the sovereign decision-making body of the Party. But we should work to achieve through proper negotiation a real partnership in which government and unions can find common solutions to problems which produce contemporary motions.
We must also ensure that the National Policy Forum works much more effectively and that government puts new policies at an early stage into the Forum process and ends the practice of bouncing policy on the party and the country.
Obviously it would be wrong to pretend that there is no difference between the Labour Party in power and the Labour Party out of power. In government, there are other priorities, including maintaining a majority in Parliament. Proper and rigorous scrutiny, research and economic implications must be taken into account to ensure that a policy is right and can be properly implemented.
Labour Party conference must, though, be much more than a rally or even a sounding board. It must provide a direct link between Ministers in government, Members of Parliament, trade unions, affiliated organisations and constituency members. Conference must be the forum for holding elected representatives to account and to raise concerns and grievances, which must be addressed to the satisfaction of the membership.
The Deputy Leader’s role is vital in achieving a new partnership based policy process.
I have consistently argued for the full implementation of Warwick, citing it as an example of what can be achieved through party-union co-operation. I believe that narrowing the inequality gap – the principle underpinning the Agreement – needs to go to the top of our political agenda.
As Secretary of State for Northern Ireland I have ensured that key elements of the Warwick Agreement were implemented. For example, in Northern Ireland was I introduced a smoking ban in April, and ended the two-tier workforce. We have increased workers' annual statutory holiday entitlement from 20 to 30 days to include 10 bank holidays. We proved that PFI does not require the transfer of staff by passing legislation to confirm that ancillary workers within the education sector are not covered by PFI and retain the highest working terms and conditions, and we ensured that Sunday trading hours were not introduced.
Furthermore, I have not let up in my insistence that Royal Mail must remain in public hands and have called for an immediate Government review on the impact of unfair competition on Royal Mail.
The extension of family friendly rights, including the extension of the right to request flexible working hours for parents and carers and the improvement of maternity and paternity rights.
It is important that we introduce measures that give people the opportunity to balance work and family life.
I want to see follow through for all the recommendations of The Women and Work Commission to help mothers to remain and progress in the workplace and to narrow the inequality pay gap.
I want to see the creation of a new Employment Rights’ Commission with tough new powers and proper resources to enforce the rights that workers already have and to investigate breaches of current laws and regulations. This way individuals and unions could take complaints, (anonymous where necessary) such as non-payment of the minimum wage, working time rules and flexible working rights, to the Commission for investigation and resolution.
In addition we should introduce the choice of workplace or home ballots in elections for union Executives and General Secretaries to encourage turnout. And ensure new laws on corporate manslaughter are toughly enforced, and review the role of private equity funds in company takeovers.
Despite many improved rights for working people under our Labour Government, there is still too much inequality in some workplaces and loopholes remain in employment law which leave agency and temporary staff open to exploitation. There is now a two tier labour market, with considerable exploitation (often involving migrants) that also undermines job security and conditions in union organised areas.
The commitment made at Warwick to put an end to the exploitation of vulnerable workers from employment agencies must be a top priority. We must ensure that the legislation we have introduced, most notably on the minimum wage, working time rules and holiday pay, is effectively enforced for all.
I support our attempts to define and extend the rights of agency workers through a Directive in Europe, and believe we should continue to seek consensus on the definition of equal treatment and suitable qualifying time. However, if progress continues to stall our government must consider action to protect against exploitation wherever it exists. The TUC’s Commission on Vulnerable Employment will be an important part of shaping our response to this and similar issues that arise in the future.
Enforcing equal pay, promoting family friendly employment practises and eradicating sexual harassment, discrimination and bullying are priorities for ensuring equal treatment of men and women at work.
We have the Warwick Agreement to thank for the Women and Work Commission (WWC), which in 2006 produced a report with 40 recommendations to deal with all the causes of the gender pay gap. I know that many unions did not think that this went far enough, but the Commission showed that there is no easy answer and no quick fix. We need to deal with inequalities in pay systems, where they exist, through equal pay legislation. But we also need to push for work to be transformed so that flexibility is the norm and women don’t find themselves held back the minute they become parents. Labour has a good track record here that we can build on.
Gordon Brown responded to the WWC report with and extra £40m for training initiatives designed to break down some of the job segregation that keeps women in low paid, low opportunity employment. I particularly want to make sure that the gender duty in the public sector makes a real impact on all the causes of the gender pay gap.
We need to decide on the extent and role of private sector companies in public services, including limits on marketisation, and the effect on employees.
If we are to reconnect with voters and the staff who provide our public services we need to make a much more compelling case for public sector reform, underpinned by Labour values; which will include convincing people that reform is needed to improve services not make them worse.
This debate must include trade unions as the legitimate representatives of working people. Unions and government have a responsibility to work together in this field.
The future role of public-private partnerships specifically PFI needs to be discussed including the transfer of staff to the private sector, which I made sure did not happen in Northern Ireland where ancillary workers within the education sector are not covered by PFI.
There are very serious concerns about the consequences of some private equity ventures, and it is right for unions to raise them on behalf of their members who often bear the brunt of these deals. I share that concern.
Equity funds can be important, either to start up, rescue, or to grow, companies and create more jobs. However, it is unacceptable to enable equity funds simply to asset-strip instead of providing long-term investment and job security.
Increased scrutiny, possibly under the framework of corporate law, on the effect of private equity on jobs and employment security would be my priority, and I welcome the review by Ed Balls on these matters.
I commend the unions on the work they have done – including through union learning reps – in pushing employers to train their workforces. Most working people want to be able to get on and develop their skills and too many employers neglect their obligations in this area, especially when the going gets tough and when training is often one of the first thing to get axed. Unions, in partnership with government, can change this.
I also want to see unions have a stronger role in negotiating with employers about pensions. I deplore the employer retreat from defined benefit pension schemes and unions have a vital function, particularly in the private sector, making sure that working people get the best possible pensions provision. Unions also have an essential role in explaining to workers the value of making pensions contributions, particularly in the run up to the introduction of the new Personal Accounts scheme that we will bring in 2012. This will offer pensions savings and employer contributions to low and middle-income earners, and they will need to be encouraged to see that this is a good deal for them.
We must also ensure that workers who have had their pensions stolen during bankruptcies are given proper protection, and that this iniquitous practice cannot happen in the future.
Our Labour government has done a lot to help loan parents back into work, and we need to continue these programmes. We also have to build on the substantial expansion of childcare and nursery education that we have seen under Labour, to support parents back into work.
Flexible working can be particularly helpful to all parents, and I think there is a case for looking at how greater flexibility could help single parents and those on low wages to access their right to fourteen weeks unpaid parental leave
I won the argument in Cabinet for the policy on Trident to be determined, first through consultation with the National Policy Forum, and then by open debate and a vote in Parliament. Previously governments had updated our nuclear defence system in secret without even consulting the Cabinet.
But we must continue to negotiate for the world wide elimination of nuclear weapons in line with our 2000 Non-Proliferation Treay obligations.
We must also press for the full implementation of United Nations Conventions on chemical and biological weapons.
I believe in pushing power down to citizens and to communities, so I think it is right to devolve more control to schools and to parents. But we must also be clear about the limits of reform – in particular, we must say no to academic selection.
I am proud to have taken through legislation to reform Northern Ireland’s antiquated, unfair schools system which forced every child aged 11 to sit a test to determine their future. A test which opened a door to opportunities for a few, but closed those life chances off from far too many. The legislation I passed as Northern Ireland Secretary not only scraped the 11+ but abolished academic selection completely across Northern Ireland.
The most effective way of beating the BNP is to win the argument. It is right, and I am proud, that we have legislated against direct incitements to commit acts of violence or discrimination.
However, the best way to confront the BNP is not to ban them, to drive them underground, or to talk them up. It is for all areas of our Labour movement to work together locally, on the ground, campaigning in communities, to prove that the values of equality, solidarity and democracy inherent to Labour’s progressive politics can make Britain a more confident and united country.
In 1977 I was one of the founders of the Anti-Nazi League. Through campaigning and confronting the National Front wherever it appeared – at demonstrations or street stalls or shop fronts – the ANL successfully drove the NF off the streets and out of sensitive neighbourhoods.
The BNP preach the same racist and fascist ideas but are more sophisticated, and have cleverly exploited housing shortages, for instance, and the sense too many traditional working class areas have of being left behind during all the progress under our Labour government, especially those caught up in those labour market areas dominated by agency work and subcontracting where the employment rights we have introduced are ignored .
We need tougher enforcement powers to stop such exploitation. We must also ensure that working class areas get proper investment in housing especially and that local Labour parties organise with others at neighbourhood level to demonstrate that the BNP’s hateful scapegoating offers no solutions to the problems people face.
Firstly, by championing the contribution made by immigrants to the British economy and society, for example delivering the NHS, keeping the transport system running, or setting up businesses.
Second, as well as ensuring a fair and transparent asylum and immigration system, we must tackle head on the misconceptions, which persist about issues such as access to benefits and housing – all exploited by racists like the BNP.
In the workplace, unions and government must work closely together to prevent bad employers from exploiting vulnerable people– and from undercutting good employers and other employees. Legislation such as that on gangmasters must be effectively implemented and that’s why I am proposing a new Employment Right’s Commission to enforce employment rights especially in areas where agency work and sub-contracting is high.
Our ambition to tackle climate change must be global, but we must never allow the international nature of the problem to become an excuse for the inaction at home: if we are to make progress internationally, we must be willing to lead by example at home.
For this reason I support the introduction of personal carbon allowances, which I would like to see this at the heart of our fourth term’s manifesto.
Every citizen would receive an equal allowance of carbon which they would be able to spend however they wished – on fuel for their car, on a foreign holiday, or on home energy, for example. Those using less would be entitled to sell their surplus, while others could buy that surplus on the open market – providing they were prepared to pay the price - and everyone would have a financial incentive to be greener. Crucially, the overall amount of carbon allocated would be capped and could be ratcheted down to reduce overall emissions. This is a both genuinely radical and distinctively a Labour idea. By granting equal carbon allocations to everyone, it is rooted in the historic socialist commitment to equality. By forcing the wealthier to buy additional carbon allocations from people on lower incomes, it would redistribute from rich to poor. And by intervening to correct the market failure of climate change, it proves the role of progressive government in improving people’s lives.
British workers can rightly look to the European Union for a raft of employment rights, which have been part of the British landscape since the ‘70s. For example, equal pay for women, equal rights for part-time workers, equal rights for fixed-term contract workers, better maternity rights, parental leave, the right to paid holidays, the right not to be discriminated against in the workplace on grounds of sexuality or religion or belief. Labour has welcomed and built on many of these provisions.
I believe in a strong social Europe so that all workers across the union can be protected from some of the negative effects of globalisation. Whilst our open economy and labour market flexibility has created many more jobs and produced much lower unemployment than in most comparable European countries – not least because it is easier for companies to start up and grow here – it is unacceptable that the costs of closing down companies and jobs in Britain are much lower. We must address this.
David Cameron is on record as saying he would scrap the Social Chapter. That would be a disaster. I am a committed European, and believe that our future prosperity and security depend on us being at the centre of a Europe with high social standards and employee rights, as I helped get agreed at the Convention on the Future of Europe.
Strong trade unionism right across the world is vital to entrench democracy and fight poverty and exploitation, from Iraq to Zimbabwe and our Labour government must continue prioritise this in our foreign and international development policy.
I am aware that through the international union organisations a huge amount of aid and assistance goes from unions in the developed world to union organisations in developing countries. British trade unions and the TUC make a huge contribution to this, and I am impressed by the projects aimed toward HIV and AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa. Where there are multinational companies seeking to invest in emerging economies, and where there is too often potential for repressive regimes, it is essential that we have co-operation between unions of different countries and continents to promote employment and healthcare and fight famine and poverty. British unions have an admirable track record in this. DfID already supports these efforts, and I would like to see us do more in the future.
Britain’s role in the International Labour Organisation is vital in upholding core labour standards worldwide, and clearly we won’t b e able to fulfil these objectives without strong, independent unions backed by governments of the left like ours.
We face a real housing crisis for far too many people. Social housing was decimated by the Tories, from whom we inherited a £19 billion backlog of repairs. While the Government has done a huge amount to turn that around, I know that many party members would like to see us go further. I believe we should keep the so-called “fourth option” under review. We must also prioritise housing in our next phase of government like we did for spending on educational and health. Both by financing more social housing and supporting mixed equity schemes to enable first time buyers to get on the housing ladder.
I believe that climate change is not just a ‘green’ issue, but a ‘red’ one too. The people who will suffer most from climate change – both in Britain and elsewhere in the world – will be people on low incomes who are least able to protect themselves against the huge risks to home, to livelihoods and to the economy. So tackling climate change is a core social justice issue.
I also believe that turning Britain’s economy into a green economy represents a huge opportunity for British workers. Britain is better placed than any other country in the world to become a leader in offshore wind, tidal and marine power. With a huge natural resource, we have the potential both to boost our self-sufficiency in energy and to create a massive new industry with massive export opportunities. Seizing this opportunity is not just in the interests of the planet, but of the British economy too.
Read my statement on why trade union members should vote for me
Read my biography
Read my responses to the UnionsTogether Election Survey
View my UnionsTogether TV Interview
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